councilor.org
| Source | News for Social Justice Action |
| Date | 05/08/06/02:05 |
| Mark Solomon
[Note: This is a revision of a talk given in Berlin on May 12, 2005 at the Helle Panke Foundation of the Party of Democratic Socialism. In recent days, the PDS has merged with the Electoral Alternative for Jobs and Social Justice (WASG) to form a "Left Party" which hopes to attain broad support to defeat Germany's corporate offensive against the economic and cultural standards of the working class and other sectors of society. The steps taken by WASG and PDS to help build a united left, buttressed by a new program to combat joblessness and ecological decay, may be increasingly significant for the outlook of the U.S. left. It is hoped that this talk may contribute in some measure to an expanding dialogue between the U.S. and German left in their common quest to defeat the right and put their respective societies solidly on paths to peace, justice and social progress.] Dear Friends: Thank you for your kind invitation to share some thoughts on the future prospects for socialism in the United States. Before exploring that question, a few essential points about current U.S. political reality have to be considered as inseparable from the quest for transforming social and political change. The Bush presidency, while drawing from all sectors of corporate capital, principally reflects and responds to its most reactionary sectors such as military industries, energy development and brokering, financial services, real estate and retailing. Those sectors have not generally been affected by the historic industrial struggles for union rights and for racial and gender equality. Without that history, they have not been forced to accommodate to the demands of those groups and ideals - and have acted with unremitting hostility to them. In recent years, the old right wing political base of anti-taxers and Cold War anti-Communists has been augmented by a powerful, growing body of Christian fundamentalists, resulting in a particularly lethal coalition aimed at the very heart of democracy. That coalition has virtually captured the Republican Party by working stealthily from the ground up. It has twisted the traditional notion of class conflict between workers and bosses into a fictional battle between "God-fearing, patriotic, hardworking citizens" and an ill-defined "liberal elite" which allegedly foists upon ordinary folks all manner of arrogant social engineering and disreputable moral values. Of course, while promises are made to cleanse society of alleged moral rot, what is delivered is far different - preemptive and preventive war, the systematic transfer of wealth from the working majority to the super rich, and an assault, spurred by 9/11, on basic constitutional rights. To a considerable extent the right wing's electoral successes have been have been abetted by Democratic politicians who have largely abandoned the interests of labor and its allies - seeking instead to compete with the Republicans for corporate dollars. That abandonment has seriously undermined the political viability and programmatic clarity of traditional labor-led coalitions. It has also considerably stunted mass political consciousness and has contributed to the myth of a malign and threatening "liberal elite." This complex and difficult situation calls for progressive forces to fight back with awakened energy and vision. That awakening, so crucial for the present and the future, is emerging among many sectors of society and is aimed at fighting and defeating the far right. Out of that struggle will come a political majority to transform U.S. politics for peace and justice - and out of that majority will come a reborn and reinvigorated movement for socialism. Actually, the objective of a renewed, broadened socialist movement in the United States surged in the early nineties. The collapse of the bloc of eastern European states was viewed by some socialists as a both a defeat and an opportunity to start over by cleansing old wounds and creating a new climate on the socialist left of toleration, pluralism, modesty and mutual respect. That climate would prefigure a searching examination of the fate of 20th century socialism. That in turn would contribute to gathering diverse left and socialist currents into a unified movement able to effectively promote socialist ideas and values. Despite some promising initial steps, those worthy objectives were never fulfilled. The reasons for that failure have not been fully explored nor has a consensus been arrived at. However, some possible reasons stand out. First, the right wing offensive, spawned during the centrist Clinton administration in the mid-nineties and underscored by Newt Gingrich's "Contract With America" understandably began to claim the attention and energy of many on the left - virtually suspending the quest for a socialist ingathering. Second, some on the socialist left, I believe, adopted a narrow and unworkable stance that a socialist rebirth must be limited to the unity and eventual unification of small, relatively isolated groups. Some of those groups have highly motivated and dedicated members. But the content and timbre of their respective political outlooks are marked by deeply encrusted sectarian habits and hostility to other socialists with differing histories and viewpoints. Third, of crucial importance, perhaps, are strong differences among leftists and socialists over their relationship to mass progressive movements. While even the most insular of the existing socialist groups would agree about the need to participate in contemporary peace and justice movements, the nature of that participation is very contentious. Some resist the primary goal of defeating the right, rejecting the contention that such an objective is the first line in defense of democracy and the key to advancing a progressive agenda. Even more stubbornly resisted perhaps is the proposition that it is imperative to build the most inclusive possible coalition of center and left forces. Further, there is a dismissal of serious splits within ruling circles and the need to cultivate and utilize such splits. Inevitably, those differences come into sharpest focus in the electoral and legislative arenas, where little or no distinction is made between Democratic politicians and the vast majority of workers, African Americans, Latinos and other vital constituencies that continue trying to register their interests through the Democratic party. Such differences, I think, go to the core of the prospects for a reborn and respected US socialism. The effectiveness of the socialist left cannot be compromised by abrogating a sacred responsibility to help build a political majority of center and left together to end the Iraq war, protect constitutional rights, and promote economic and social justice. Any attempted refoundation of the socialist movement that looks inward, that cultivates its own isolation, and that does not offer mature and unifying support to mass struggles will die on the vine. Prospects for a reinvigorated socialist project are dependent upon socialists themselves contributing unreservedly and constructively to the building of a unified mass progressive movement. Today, progressive activism is often undergirded by a strong anti-corporate, and at times, anti-capitalist awareness. For example, within the burgeoning peace movement there is growing recognition that U.S. imperial ambition for oil, bases and strategic advantage drives the Iraq intervention. Such issues as privatization of Social Security, environmental degradation, denial of adequate health care and education, regressive tax and trade polices, attacks on a living wage and job security, etc., are seen by increasing numbers as inseparably related to an economic and political system that serves corporate greed and global exploitation. The "values" veneer used to attack reproductive choice, affirmative action, the rights of gays and lesbians, etc., are more and more understood as efforts to stamp out democratic rights for all and force conformity to the dominant system. Socialists cannot and certainly should not demand adherence to an "advanced" outlook as a condition for participation in mass movements. But they can help strengthen those movements by helping to develop a deeper awareness of the systemic roots of injustice and oppression. That understanding will ultimately fortify and link together the large number of "single issue" movements in the United States; it will add qualitatively to the already substantive contributions of the world and regional social forums; it will help solidify and give additional clarity to the domestic and worldwide struggles against corporate globalization. Those are some of the principal arenas from which socialist consciousness will grow and from which new recruits to socialism will come. Of course, education is a two-way street. Dialogue between radical democrats, liberals and socialists will likely sharpen socialist ideas and increase their persuasiveness. The insights drawn from experiences based on class, race and gender are essential for a transformed society cleansed of exploitation. Movements against racism, for gay rights, etc., will necessarily expand awareness of the meaning and potential of democracy beyond present boundaries. At this moment, there are clear signs of growing interest in alternatives to the present U.S. social and economic system. Leftist and socialist educational conferences and study groups draw large audiences; scholarly studies of various alternatives to capitalism are multiplying; interest is growing in economic and social experiments in the Global South aimed at countering corporate globalization and neoliberalism. Committed socialists have a special obligation in the midst of growing activism and mounting criticism of capitalism. That long-promised critique of 20th century socialism must finally get started. It is impossible to underestimate the massive discrediting during the Cold War of all forms of collective social organization, especially the societies of the former eastern European bloc. Here in Germany, the Kohl government in the early nineties sought to erase every trace of the German Democratic Republic's substantial accomplishments in social services and gender equality - accomplishments that could have been usefully studied in seeking solutions to present day social problems. At the same time, the world has been ceaselessly reminded of the GDR's unpardonable violations of democratic practice and socialist legality. On a global scale, the tragic and often criminal transgressions in declared socialist states have been exploited mercilessly by the opponents of socialism and have caused incalculable damage to its image. The socialist project cannot advance unless we try to understand and disclose as best we can the causes of misdeeds propagated in the name of socialism. That is the only feasible way to begin to affect an opened minded public consideration of a socialist alternative and to begin to establish in public consciousness an unbreakable link between democracy and the soul of socialism. Growing interest in alternatives to capitalism is underscored by the emergence of a wide range of ideas and theories. There appears to be a consensus that 21st century socialism will combine different forms of ownership and social organization. Some in the U.S. (and among China's young "new left") are looking at joint stock enterprises that would combine workers' shared ownership with market-based commodity exchange. Some are projecting a more stringent collective ownership of productive facilities with unfettered market relations constituting a "market socialism." Some are advancing the idea that a reborn socialism must be both driven and grounded in the urgent need to prevent ecological destruction. Some are perceiving the kernel of socialism in the scientific and technological revolution which is creating accessible technologies that cannot be contained within private ownership. Some are stressing the need to rein in corporate globalization and develop international working class cooperation aimed at wresting control of productive facilities from those corporations while effecting a more equitable distribution of wealth. Those ideas, and many others, should be explored, discussed and developed. Some of them may well flourish without a "socialist" label. (I once heard a sage observer insist that when socialism comes to the U.S. it will be called "baseball.") At the same time, the worldwide struggle for peace and against Washington's ambitions to control the global system are tied inseparably to the right to test new ideas aimed at eliminating poverty and exploitation. Whether it be the efforts of Brazil's leadership to forge ties between the Middle East and Latin America, Chavez's "Bolivarian Circles," Cuba's stubborn defense of its independence, growing cooperation among China, India and Russia to resist a "unipolar world," etc., the success of such efforts will help expedite experiments the world over aimed at achieving more just and equitable societies. But at this historic moment, perhaps the most important objective of socialists should be to hold out a belief in the right and necessity to dream of, and work for, a world without war, poverty, hunger, homelessness, racism, sexism, homophobia and all manner of assaults on human dignity. Socialists should insistently hold to, and advance, that vision of reigning decency, of genuine community, of the eradication of all oppression and privation. We have to hold fast to a belief that although there is a long way to go, the elevation of the whole word to "the human epoch" (in the words of Engels) lies before us and will be increasingly within our grasp. Thank you. [Mark Solomon is a national co-chair of the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism (CCDS)] |
Copyright (c) 1998, Joongpil Cho