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The Terrorist Barack Hussein Obama
Source Dave Anderson
Date 08/10/12/12:08

www.nytimes.com
The Terrorist Barack Hussein Obama
By FRANK RICH

IF you think way back to the start of this marathon campaign, back
when it seemed preposterous that any black man could be a serious
presidential contender, then you remember the biggest fear about
Barack Obama: a crazy person might take a shot at him.

Some voters told reporters that they didn't want Obama to run, let
alone win, should his very presence unleash the demons who have
stalked America from Lincoln to King. After consultation with
Congress, Michael Chertoff, the homeland security secretary, gave
Obama a Secret Service detail earlier than any presidential candidate
in our history in May 2007, some eight months before the first
Democratic primaries.

"I've got the best protection in the world, so stop worrying," Obama
reassured his supporters. Eventually the country got conditioned to
his appearing in large arenas without incident (though I confess that
the first loud burst of fireworks at the end of his convention stadium
speech gave me a start). In America, nothing does succeed like
success. The fear receded.

Until now. At McCain-Palin rallies, the raucous and insistent cries of
"Treason!" and "Terrorist!" and "Kill him!" and "Off with his head!"
as well as the uninhibited slinging of racial epithets, are actually
something new in a campaign that has seen almost every conceivable
twist. They are alarms. Doing nothing is not an option.

All's fair in politics. John McCain and Sarah Palin have every right
to bring up William Ayers, even if his connection to Obama is minor,
even if Ayers's Weather Underground history dates back to Obama's
childhood, even if establishment Republicans and Democrats alike have
collaborated with the present-day Ayers in educational reform. But
it's not just the old Joe McCarthyesque guilt-by-association game,
however spurious, that's going on here. Don't for an instant believe
the many mindlessly "even-handed" journalists who keep saying that the
McCain campaign's use of Ayers is the moral or political equivalent of
the Obama campaign's hammering on Charles Keating.

What makes them different, and what has pumped up the Weimar-like rage
at McCain-Palin rallies, is the violent escalation in rhetoric,
especially (though not exclusively) by Palin. Obama "launched his
political career in the living room of a domestic terrorist." He is
"palling around with terrorists" (note the plural noun). Obama is "not
a man who sees America the way you and I see America." Wielding a
wildly out-of-context Obama quote, Palin slurs him as an enemy of
American troops.

By the time McCain asks the crowd "Who is the real Barack Obama?" it's
no surprise that someone cries out "Terrorist!" The rhetorical
conflation of Obama with terrorism is complete. It is stoked further
by the repeated invocation of Obama's middle name by surrogates
introducing McCain and Palin at these rallies. This sleight of hand at
once synchronizes with the poisonous Obama-is-a-Muslim e-mail blasts
and shifts the brand of terrorism from Ayers's Vietnam-era variety to
the radical Islamic threats of today.

That's a far cry from simply accusing Obama of being a
guilty-by-association radical leftist. Obama is being branded as a
potential killer and an accessory to past attempts at murder. "Barack
Obama's friend tried to kill my family" was how a McCain press release
last week packaged the remembrance of a Weather Underground incident
from 1970 when Obama was 8.

We all know what punishment fits the crime of murder, or even
potential murder, if the security of post-9/11 America is at stake. We
all know how self-appointed "patriotic" martyrs always justify taking
the law into their own hands.

Obama can hardly be held accountable for Ayers's behavior 40 years
ago, but at least McCain and Palin can try to take some responsibility
for the behavior of their own supporters in 2008. What's troubling
here is not only the candidates' loose inflammatory talk but also
their refusal to step in promptly and strongly when someone responds
to it with bloodthirsty threats in a crowded arena. Joe Biden had it
exactly right when he expressed concern last week that "a leading
American politician who might be vice president of the United States
would not just stop midsentence and turn and condemn that." To stay
silent is to pour gas on the fires.

It wasn't always thus with McCain. In February he loudly disassociated
himself from a speaker who brayed "Barack Hussein Obama" when
introducing him at a rally in Ohio. Now McCain either backpedals with
tardy, pro forma expressions of respect for his opponent or lets
second-tier campaign underlings release boilerplate disavowals after
ugly incidents like the chilling Jim Crow-era flashback last week when
a Florida sheriff ranted about "Barack Hussein Obama" at a Palin rally
while in full uniform.

From the start, there have always been two separate but equal
questions about race in this election. Is there still enough racism in
America to prevent a black man from being elected president no matter
what? And, will Republicans play the race card? The jury is out on the
first question until Nov. 4. But we now have the unambiguous answer to
the second: Yes.

McCain, who is no racist, turned to this desperate strategy only as
Obama started to pull ahead. The tone was set at the Republican
convention, with Rudy Giuliani's mocking dismissal of Obama as an
"only in America" affirmative-action baby. We also learned then that
the McCain campaign had recruited as a Palin handler none other than
Tucker Eskew, the South Carolina consultant who had worked for George
W. Bush in the notorious 2000 G.O.P. primary battle where the McCains
and their adopted Bangladeshi daughter were slimed by vicious racist
rumors.

No less disconcerting was a still-unexplained passage of Palin's
convention speech: Her use of an unattributed quote praising
small-town America (as opposed to, say, Chicago and its community
organizers) from Westbrook Pegler, the mid-century Hearst columnist
famous for his anti-Semitism, racism and violent rhetorical excess.
After an assassin tried to kill F.D.R. at a Florida rally and murdered
Chicago's mayor instead in 1933, Pegler wrote that it was "regrettable
that Giuseppe Zangara shot the wrong man." In the '60s, Pegler had a
wish for Bobby Kennedy: "Some white patriot of the Southern tier will
spatter his spoonful of brains in public premises before the snow
falls."

This is the writer who found his way into a speech by a potential vice
president at a national political convention. It's astonishing there's
been no demand for a public accounting from the McCain campaign.
Imagine if Obama had quoted a Black Panther or Louis Farrakhan or
William Ayers in Denver.

The operatives who would have Palin quote Pegler have been at it ever
since. A key indicator came two weeks after the convention, when the
McCain campaign ran its first ad tying Obama to the mortgage giant
Fannie Mae. Rather than make its case by using a legitimate link
between Fannie and Obama (or other Democratic leaders), the McCain
forces chose a former Fannie executive who had no real tie to Obama or
his campaign but did have a black face that could dominate the ad's
visuals.

There are no black faces high in the McCain hierarchy to object to
these tactics. There hasn't been a single black Republican governor,
senator or House member in six years. This is a campaign where Palin
can repeatedly declare that Alaska is "a microcosm of America" without
anyone even wondering how that might be so for a state whose tiny
black and Hispanic populations are each roughly one-third the national
average. There are indeed so few people of color at McCain events that
a black senior writer from The Tallahassee Democrat was mistakenly
ejected by the Secret Service from a campaign rally in Panama City in
August, even though he was standing with other reporters and showed
his credentials. His only apparent infraction was to look glaringly
out of place.

Could the old racial politics still be determinative? I've long been
skeptical of the incessant press prognostications (and liberal panic)
that this election will be decided by racist white men in the Rust
Belt. Now even the dimmest bloviators have figured out that Americans
are riveted by the color green, not black as in money, not energy.
Voters are looking for a leader who might help rescue them, not a
reckless gambler whose lurching responses to the economic meltdown (a
campaign "suspension," a mortgage-buyout stunt that changes daily) are
as unhinged as his wanderings around the debate stage.

To see how fast the tide is moving, just look at North Carolina. On
July 4 this year the day that the godfather of modern G.O.P. racial
politics, Jesse Helms, died The Charlotte Observer reported that
strategists of both parties agreed Obama's chances to win the state
fell "between slim and none." Today, as Charlotte reels from the
implosion of Wachovia, the McCain-Obama race is a dead heat in North
Carolina and Helms's Republican successor in the Senate, Elizabeth
Dole, is looking like a goner.

But we're not at Election Day yet, and if voters are to have their
final say, both America and Obama have to get there safely. The McCain
campaign has crossed the line between tough negative campaigning and
inciting vigilantism, and each day the mob howls louder. The onus is
on the man who says he puts his country first to call off the dogs,
pit bulls and otherwise.

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